The Star Online: World Updates
The Star Online: World Updates |
- Voters in tsunami-hit zone feel let down as Japan election nears
- Catalan election weakens bid for independence from Spain
- China's princelings come of age in new leadership
| Voters in tsunami-hit zone feel let down as Japan election nears Posted: 25 Nov 2012 07:52 PM PST IWAKI/KAMAISHI, Japan (Reuters) - Three weeks before Japan's first national election since the March 2011 earthquake, none of the contenders has managed to win the hearts, and votes, of those hardest-hit by the disaster - with many feeling let down by the entire political class.
Volunteers and donations had poured in after the magnitude 9.0 quake off the northeast coast of Japan's main island Honshu unleashed a deadly tsunami that killed nearly 19,000 and triggered reactor meltdowns at the Fukushima nuclear plant. But 20 months later, residents of towns and cities ravaged by the country's worst disaster in generations say the nation's biggest rebuilding effort since the aftermath of the World War Two has slipped off the political agenda. "I am not expecting anything from the election results," said Akio Ono, president of seafood processing firm Ono Foods Co, in Kamaishi, a port with a population of 38,000, where more than 1,000 residents were killed by the tsunami. "None of the politicians seem to be thinking about Japan seriously, they are not paying attention to the disaster-hit areas." In Kamaishi, like many communities along the coast, scars of the disaster are still visible -- gaping empty lots left after buildings swept away by the tsunami side-by-side with prefabricated temporary buildings hosting shops and eateries. The December 16 vote pits Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda's Democrats against the Liberal Democratic Party, led by former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, and a clutch of smaller parties. LOW EXPECTATIONS Polls show Abe's LDP in pole position with about 23-25 percent, not enough to form a government without an alliance with one of its rivals. About 40 percent of voters are reluctant to back any party. A common thread of some dozen interviews with residents of the disaster-hit region is their low expectations that any party has much to offer to an ageing region that was already struggling to stem its economic decline before March 11, 2011. Those who plan to vote seem to accept that the election will be fought over other issues, such as national security, the stagnant economy or the role of nuclear power after the world's worst nuclear disaster since Chernobyl in 1986. "Since this is going to be a national election, diplomacy and security should be the primary focus," said a 56-year-old civil servant in Iwaki, a city of 337,000 people just outside the 30-km (18.5 miles) evacuation zone around the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant. The man, who declined to be named, backed the LDP, accusing the ruling Democrats of alienating the bureaucracy during their three-year rule and allowing the recent flare-up in tensions with China by weakening Japan's alliance with Washington. LEFT BEHIND Lawmakers have signed off 19 trillion yen ($230 billion) in public funds to cope with the aftermath of the world's costliest natural disaster and the fallout of the Fukushima crisis. But an audit last month showed only about half has been spent because of bureaucratic inertia and bottlenecks. Some of those funds have also been funnelled to other parts of Japan and projects at best loosely related to reconstruction. Besides the slow trickle of funds a lack of comprehensive rebuilding plans is another source of frustration. While the second anniversary of the disaster is fast approaching, many businesses operate in provisional facilities and thousands live in temporary housing not knowing whether they will be able to rebuild their homes or have to relocate elsewhere. Managers such as Masahiko Numari, who runs a fish processing company in Miyako, who were able to rebuild their factories with government help, say they need more financial aid to expand. The region, long dependent on fishing and farming, also craves new investment that would bring permanent jobs and stop the exodus of young people. "I would like to vote for someone who would help improve the employment situation for young people like me," said Ryuhei Toubai, 23, who works nights as a bartender in Kamaishi but is looking for a day job that would pay his healthcare and pension benefits. "I want a stable job when I think about my future." Many of those in towns and cities hit by the tsunami and the radiation crisis who are still in a limbo feel ignored. "I am not going to vote this time," said Megumi Kinno, 40, who owns a pub operating in a government-run food complex in the coastal town of Ofunato and lives in temporary housing with her 16-year-old son and a seven-year-old daughter. "I don't know how much of what we want will be heard," she said, adding that too much aid money was caught up somewhere in the bureaucracy. "I wish all the politicians were washed away by the tsunami." ($1 = 82.3700 Japanese yen) (Additional reporting by Mari Saito; Writing by Tomasz Janowski; Editing by Alex Richardson)
Copyright © 2012 Reuters | ||
| Catalan election weakens bid for independence from Spain Posted: 25 Nov 2012 06:21 PM PST BARCELONA, Spain (Reuters) - Separatists in Spain's Catalonia won regional elections on Sunday but failed to get a resounding mandate for a referendum on independence, which had threatened to pile political uncertainty on top of Spain's economic woes.
Catalan President Artur Mas, who has implemented unpopular spending cuts, had called an early election to test support for his new drive for independence for Catalonia, a wealthy but financially troubled region in northeastern Spain. Voters frustrated with the economic crisis and the Spanish tax system, which they claim is unfair to Catalonia, handed almost two-thirds of the 135-seat local parliament to four different separatist parties that all want to hold a referendum on secession from Spain. But they punished the main separatist group, Mas's Convergence and Union alliance, or CiU, cutting back its seats to 50 from 62. That will make it difficult for Mas to lead a united drive to hold a referendum in defiance of the constitution and the central government in Madrid. "Mas clearly made a mistake. He promoted a separatist agenda and the people have told him they want other people to carry out his agenda," said Jose Ignacio Torreblanca, head of the European Council on Foreign Relations' Madrid office. The result will come as a relief for Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, who is battling a deep recession and 25 percent unemployment while he struggles to cut high borrowing costs by convincing investors of Spain's fiscal and political stability. Mas, surrounded by supporters chanting "independence, independence", said he would still try to carry out the referendum but added that, "it is more complex, but there is no need to give up on the process." Resurgent Catalan separatism had become a major headache for Rajoy, threatening to provoke a constitutional crisis over the legality of a referendum just as he is trying to concentrate on a possible international bailout for troubled Spain. Catalonia shares some of its tax revenue with the rest of Spain and many Catalans believe their economy would prosper if they could invest more of their taxes at home. The tax issue has revived a long-dormant secessionist spirit in Catalonia. Mas had tried to ride the separatist wave after hundreds of thousands of people demonstrated in the streets in September, demanding independence for Catalonia, which has its own language and sees itself as distinct from the rest of Spain. In a speech to supporters on Sunday night Mas recognised that he had lost ground and though CiU is still the largest group in the Catalan parliament, he said he would need the support of another party to govern and to pass harsh austerity measures. "We've fallen well short of the majority we had. We've been ruling for two years under very tough circumstances," he said. Catalonia's traditional separatist party, the Republican Left, or ERC, won the second biggest presence in the Catalan parliament, with 21 seats. The Socialists took 20 seats. And Rajoy's centre-right People's Party won 19. Three other parties, including two that want a referendum on independence, split the remaining 25 seats. ECFR's Torreblanca said the Catalan elections were similar to those around Europe in that economic woes have benefited marginal political groups, while larger, traditional parties have lost ground. MAS MADE BIG BET Mas's bet on separatism may have helped the big winner of Sunday's election, the Republican Left, which more than doubled its seats in the Catalan parliament to 21 from 10, "He talked about it so much that he ended up helping the only party that has always been for independence, which is the Republican Left," said political analyst Ismael Crespo at the Ortega y Gasset research institute. Mas's CiU had always been a pro-business moderate nationalist party that fought for more autonomy and self-governance for Catalonia without breaking away from Spain. Mas broke with that tradition in September when he made a big bet on a referendum, tapping into a centuries old Catalan dream of independence that is rooted in the Middle Ages when there was a Principality of Catalonia. Modern day Catalonia, with 7.5 million people, is more populous than Denmark. Its economy is almost as big as Portugal's and it generates one fifth of Spanish gross domestic product. Since Spain returned to democracy in the 1970s after the Francisco Franco dictatorship regions like Catalonia and the Basque Country, which also has its own language, won significant autonomy. For several decades the Catalan independence movement had died down. But it has flared up again in the economic crisis. The momentum has been inspired in part by Scotland's plans to hold a referendum in 2014 and by the break away movement in Flanders. But it could subside as voters contemplate the economic realities of independence especially if the price to pay is leaving the European Union. Wary that separatism could spread to the Basque Country and beyond, Rajoy said this week that the Catalan election was more important than general elections. Home to car factories and banks and the birthplace of surrealist painter Salvador Dali and architect Antoni Gaudi, the region also has one of the world's most successful football clubs, FC Barcelona. SPENDING CUTS HURT MAS After a decade of overspending during Spain's real estate boom, Catalonia and most of the country's other regions are struggling to pay state workers and meet debt payments. Mas was one of the first Spanish leaders to embark on harsh austerity measures after Catalonia's public deficit soared and the regional government was shunned by debt markets. He has also had to take billions of euros in bailout funds from the central government. Josep Freixas, 37 and unemployed, voted for CiU but recognised the party had lost seats "because people have been really affected by the spending cuts and by the crisis." At CiU headquarters on Sunday night Freixas carried a rolled up pro-independence flag - a single star against yellow and red stripes - that has become a symbol of the separatist movement. Turnout was very high in the election, 68 percent, 10 percentage points higher than in the previous vote two years ago. Raquel Correa, a 30-year-old journalist, said she travelled home from Brussels for the vote. She cast her ballot for Republican Left, or ERC. "I think people who want independence voted ERC because they are the real thing. They have fought for independence for a long time." (Additional reporting by Sarah Morris in Barcelona and Emma Pinedo in Madrid; Editing by Jackie Frank) Copyright © 2012 Reuters | ||
| China's princelings come of age in new leadership Posted: 25 Nov 2012 06:20 PM PST BEIJING (Reuters) - In China they are known as "princelings" â— the privileged children of the revolutionary founders of the People's Republic of China. And in the generational leadership change that just took place in Beijing, it could not have been clearer that having the right family bloodlines is among the most important attributes an ambitious cadre could possess.
Of the seven men who now comprise the Communist Party's new politburo standing committee, the apex of political power in China, four are members of "the red aristocracy", led by the new general secretary of the party, Xi Jinping. The thriving of the princelings should not be a surprise, analysts and party insiders say. Rarely in its six decades in power has the party been under more stress. Public anger over widespread corruption, widening income inequality and vast environmental degradation have chipped away at its legitimacy. The party's over-arching goal is to maintain its grip on the nation, and moving so many princelings into top positions is akin to taking out a political insurance policy. "Fundamentally, princelings advocate maintaining one-party dictatorship," said Zhang Lifan, a Beijing-based political commentator. "This is (their) bottom line." The rise of the princelings comes despite the fall of one of their own ambitious brethren, Chongqing party secretary Bo Xilai, himself a one-time contender for the standing committee and a son of one of Mao Zedong's closest comrades. Earlier this year, Bo's wife was convicted of murdering a British businessman in one of modern China's biggest political scandals. Bo himself faces possible charges of corruption and abuse of power. But in the wrangling over the new leadership, the princelings got a boost from former president and party elder Jiang Zemin, 86, widely viewed as a backroom powerbroker. Jiang had long supported Xi's rise and helped get another princeling onto the standing committee. Jiang sees himself as a princeling as well, party sources say. His uncle, who died in 1939, is hailed as a martyr of the revolution that brought the Communists to power in 1949. Jiang additionally hopes that backing Xi will preserve his legacy and protect his family. Party insiders say Jiang wants to make sure his two sons, both of whom are successful businessmen, are protected at a time of enhanced scrutiny of the wealth accumulated by the families of the country's top leadership. The new standing committee is the first to be dominated by princelings. Jiang's successor, outgoing president Hu Jintao, was the first among equals in the previous line-up, which comprised mainly technocrats and bureaucrats. But now, according to several analysts, most senior party members have fallen in line with what late economic tsar and one-time standing committee member Chen Yun once said: "The land under heaven should one day be handed to princelings, who can be trusted not to dig the party's grave." PRINCELING IN CHIEF In addition to Xi, 59, those on the committee with familial ties to the country's red founders are Vice Premier Wang Qishan, who will lead the party's efforts to contain corruption; former Shanghai party secretary Yu Zhengsheng, 67, the oldest member on the committee; and Zhang Dejiang, who studied economics in North Korea and replaced Bo as party boss in Chongqing. Beyond their commitment to party rule, insiders say the princelings' inclinations on the critical issues facing China - especially political and economic reform - are harder to discern. Xi has used standard party rhetoric since taking the top job, saying China must "continue reforming and opening up". The princelings, analysts said, tend to be bound not by strong policy preferences, but by their privileges and the conviction they were born to rule. "The way they rode to power is very similar, but whether they share the same outlook, the same preferences for policies, I think that's not really the case," said Damien Ma, an analyst at political risk consultancy Eurasia Group. Some analysts are cautiously optimistic that a leadership dominated by Xi and the other princelings might move with surprising boldness. One Beijing-based political analyst, who requested anonymity because of the sensitivity surrounding discussions on the leadership, said princelings believe it is their birthright to rule, and act accordingly. Analysts contrast them with leaders from a rival political faction, the Communist Youth League which produced President Hu. "(The princelings) are naturally more confident and bolder than the children of commoners like Hu, whom they see as a mere caretaker, or a hired CEO," the analyst said. "The CEO is more prudent. The stakeholders are more anxious than the CEO if the company is not doing well. Princelings are likely to be bolder in pushing for change." Some members of the political elite believe the party, after a decade of stagnation on political reform, needs to move quickly to improve government transparency, accountability and the rule of law, as well as allow more freedom of expression. They point hopefully to Xi's princeling bloodlines. His father, Xi Zhongxun, who gave refuge to Mao during the Long March from 1934 to 1936, was a liberal. As party secretary of Guangdong in 1980, the elder Xi convinced Deng Xiaoping to allow him to set up market-oriented special economic zones in the province, the first place to do so in the Communist era. He also opposed the army crackdown on student protesters at Tiananmen Square in 1989, and championed the rights of Tibetans and other minority groups. Others believe Xi junior's public comments and writings, however rare, indicate he and the other princelings are pragmatists. A TALE OF TWO PRINCELINGS Xi's ascension, along with the other members of the red aristocracy, came at an awkward moment for the princelings. Their princeling comrade Bo Xilai was ousted in March as party boss of Chongqing, lost his seat in the wider Politburo in April and was expelled from the party in September. But the downfall of such a high-profile princeling, analysts suggested, was not necessarily unhealthy. At a time of deepening cynicism about the leadership among many Chinese, it showed that when a princeling breaks the law, "his crime is the same as that of a lawbreaking commoner", commentator Zhang said, quoting a Chinese proverb. The different outcomes for Xi and Bo also suggest that even for the offspring of well-connected families, the way they wield power matters. By all accounts, Xi mostly kept his head down and did what was asked of him as he rose through the party's ranks. Bo, by contrast, was flamboyant by Chinese political standards and played the family card if he thought it could help. Bo's father, Bo Yibo, was one of the so-called "eight immortals," and helped guide China away from some of the most disastrous policies of the Mao era. He died in 2007. At one point before the elder Bo's death, President Hu summoned Bo and Xi and offered them the same job: to run the landlocked province of Inner Mongolia, an economic backwater. Bo, then commerce minister, was reluctant to go and told Hu he would have to ask his father first, one party insider told Reuters. Xi, then party boss of prosperous Zhejiang province in eastern China, said he was not familiar with the ethnic issues in Inner Mongolia but was willing to go. "It was a test, but Bo used his father to pressure Hu," the party insider said, requesting anonymity to avoid repercussions for discussing secretive elite politics. "Xi was willing to accept whatever the party arranged." All along, Xi understood intuitively that "the higher the profile (of an up and coming official), the more difficult promotion will be", even for a princeling, said Zhang, the political commentator. In 2000, as governor of Fujian province in the southeast, Xi gave an interview in which he quoted an ancient Chinese military strategist: "Do not try the impossible. Do not seek the unattainable ... Do not do the irreversible. Taking up a new government post is a relay. Don't drop the baton and run your leg well." (This story has been refiled to fix a typo in a name in the 16th paragraph and the description of analyst's employer) (Additional reporting by John Ruwitch; Editing by Raju Gopalakrishnan)
Copyright © 2012 Reuters |
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